First-time find: Second Temple-era signet stone found in Jerusalem

Author: Published: October 21, 2021
Until now there have only been  written descriptions of the Balm of Gilead plant, etched on the discovered stone. 
By Batya Jerenberg, World Israel News

A tiny gem lost for 2,000 years in the ancient sewers of Jerusalem contains the first etching ever found of the balsam plant from which the Balm of Gilead was produced, experts from the Israel Archeological Authority (IAA) said Thursday.

The beautiful amethyst, measuring a mere 10X5mm and 7mm thick, was found by participants in a long-running archeological sifting project in the Emek Tzurim National Park, who at the time were going through dirt excavated from deep below the Western Wall.

“This is an important find because it may be the first time a seal has been discovered in the entire world with an engraving of the precious and famous plant, which until now we could only read about in historical descriptions,” said Eli Shukron, the lead archeologist in the dig where the stone came from.

The ancient persimmon that grew on the balsam plant, which Shukron says “is not at all similar to today’s persimmon,” was used to make perfumes and medicines, such as the famous balm. The fruit also had “magical properties” attributed to it, he said. It was only grown in Israel in the Dead Sea region.

It is one of the ingredients cited in the Bible for making the incense for the Temple, and some Biblical commentators say it was one of the gifts that the Queen of Sheba presented to King Solomon when she came for a royal visit. Ancient historian Josephus Flavius wrote that Mark Antony gave a gift of persimmon groves to Egyptian Queen Cleopatra.

A bird, thought to be a dove, is carved into the flat surface in the middle of the stone, with a long branch curved around it with five fruit hanging from one end. There is a thin groove on the back with a bit of metal wire embedded inside, proving that it was a signet ring, with the owner pressing the etching into clay seals as a symbol of ownership.

The unusual size and shape of the engraved fruit caught the eyes of those examining the find.

In such seals, explained Prof. Shua Amorai-Stark, an expert in engraved gems, “It is common to find plants that were common in Israel at the time: vines, dates, and olives, which are among the seven species, but on this stone seal, we immediately noticed that the fruit that appears on it is unlike any of the fruits we have encountered to date.”

One can only imagine the owner’s dismay over his valuable setting snapping off as he was walking either to or from the Temple Mount, with his precious stone rolling way and getting lost forever – or so he would have thought.

 

US, Israeli Diplomat, Dangling Saudi Relations in Return for ‘Palestinian Consulate’

Author: Published: October 21, 2021
By

David Israel

 –

Israel’s Consul in Dubai Ilan Sztulman told Globes on Tuesday (כך מתכננת ישראל להגיע ליחסים עם מדינות נוספות במפרץ, ביניהן סעודיה) that there has been a recent acceleration in the contacts between the Jewish State and several Arab countries who may join the Abrahamic agreements, hinting that the big catch in this fisherman’s net is Saudi Arabia. Globes reported that there are ongoing, quiet behind-the-scenes contacts, but that they would not necessarily lead to full diplomatic relations as with the Emirates and Bahrain.

All of this shiny goodness comes with a price, which a Wednesday Globes report (לחץ על ישראל: מחווה מדינית לפלסטינים בתמורה לנרמול היחסים עם סעודיה) called “gestures to the Palestinians,” which is another way to say opening the American consulate for PA residents on Agron Street, at the heart of western Jerusalem. Globes suggested that just as the cost of the initial Abrahamic Accords was a settlement construction freeze and abandoning the promise of partial sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, so would the cost of Saudi diplomatic sugar be allowing the folks from Ramallah to establish a permanent presence in the Israeli capital.

Those other Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, have a problem establishing full relations. As I noted on Wednesday (Report: US Urging Saudis to Normalize Relations with Israel, Join Abrahamic Agreements), when, in 2017, the Trump administration made great efforts to persuade Saudi Arabia to normalize relations with Israel, Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman showed openness to the idea but his father King Salman insisted on maintaining the traditional Saudi policy on the Israeli-Palestinian issue and not exceeding the conditions for recognition of Israel set in the Arab Peace Initiative – those conditions being the establishment of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with eastern Jerusalem as its capital.

According to Globes, the solution for the above dichotomy would be lower-level relations, such as a Saudi economic mission, complete with economic agreements in specific areas. In this context, it appears that Israel’s friends on the shores of the Persian Gulf have really bought the story about the Zionist economic miracle: The United Arab Emirates economy minister said recently that his country aims to raise the value of economic activity with Israel to more than $1 trillion in the next 10 years, hoping to work together on everything from healthcare to climate change and energy.

Speaking of Saudi sugar: the Saudis have already agreed to allow Israeli planes to fly over their territory from Israel to India and back. The timing of the implementation of this permit is still unclear, but a source involved in the details told Globes that the Biden administration is putting pressure on “the countries in question.”

Of course, with El Al dumping much of its fleet and looking to let a lot of waiters in the sky start waiting tables on Dizengoff Street, it’s not clear who exactly would remain alive long enough to take advantage of those open Saudi skies. But even without a national carrier, that one trillion dollar promise is still very appetizing, and to some Israeli tycoons may be worth the loss of an Itsy Bitsy part of our majestic, holy, eternal city.

If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand pick up a trillion bucks (in promissory notes).

Ilan Sztulman, 64, Israel’s Consul General in Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, is a human dynamo. Born in São Paulo, he served as Israel’s Consul General there, then moved up to serving as Israel’s Ambassador to Argentina from 2016 until 2019. Sztulman is credited with much of Israel’s stunning success in such a short time in the Gulf States, not the least of it is the Israeli Pavilion in the Dubai Expo. A business source involved in Israel’s economic ties with Saudi Arabia told Globes that the agreements with the Emirates and especially with Bahrain have led in recent months to several deals on a small scale with Saudi Arabia – the transactions are made through Bahrain and the Emirates. You can bet your bottom trillion dollars that Sztulman was involved.

Sztulman’s boss, Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, is at the intersection of grandiose Israeli dreams about Saudi Arabia and persistent White House ambitions about cutting off half of Jerusalem and giving it to a future Palestinian State. Should any kind of quid pro quo involving the Saudis and the “Palestinian consulate” be established – Lapid will surely be there to facilitate and collect. If not this year then in a year and a half, when he is scheduled to take over as Prime Minister.

I reported on Wednesday (Bennett ‘Surprised’ by US Pressure on Settlements; Biden to Reopen Jerusalem’s ‘Palestinian’ Consulate) that the Biden administration had decided to reopen the US consulate in eastern Jerusalem despite pressure from the Israeli government and congressional lawmakers. The consulate is expected to reopen “shortly” after the passing of the state budget by the Knesset in November, meaning that the consulate would open in early December. But even if the Americans give in for now and opt to avoid a major fight that would surely involve pro-Israel members of Congress, the die has been cast.

Why the attack on America’s Tanf base in Syria matters – analysis

Author: Published: October 21, 2021

Tanf is a lonely US base in Syria near the Jordanian and Iraqi border. As such, it is of strategic value because of where it is.

By SETH J. FRANTZMAN OCTOBER 21, 2021 10:40

Fences are seen on the ceasefire line between Israel and Syria in the Golan Heights March 25, 2019. (photo credit: AMMAR AWAD/REUTERS)
Fences are seen on the ceasefire line between Israel and Syria in the Golan Heights March 25, 2019. (photo credit: AMMAR AWAD/REUTERS)

Fences are seen on the ceasefire line between Israel and Syria in the Golan Heights March 25, 2019.

SYRIA’S PRESIDENT Bashar Assad places flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Damascus during a ceremony to mark the anniversary of the 1973 war with Israel. (credit: SANA/REUTERS)
(photo credit: AMMAR AWAD/REUTERS)

An attack on a US base in Syria took place on Wednesday night. US officials told media that unmanned aerial systems and “indirect fire” were involved. This means that drones and rockets may have been used in what appears to be a complex attack. The culprit is likely local pro-Iranian forces linked to Iran and given freedom of movement by the Syrian regime.
This model of using local proxies is classic for Iran. Iran has encouraged its proxies in Iraq to attack US forces with rockets and drones since 2019. Drones are increasingly used. Iran has also exported drone technology to Yemen and Gaza. Hamas used Iranian-style drones for the first time in May against Israel. Meanwhile, Iran has also moved drones to T-4 base in Syria and flew one into Israeli airspace in February 2018.
That is the context of the attack. But the attack matters more because of where it took place. When we look at Iran’s drone and rocket threat there is an arc of threat that stretches thousands of kilometers from Lebanon via Syria and Iraq to Yemen. Iran uses these weapons to threaten Israel, Saudi Arabia, the US and Gulf states.
For instance, Houthis in Yemen have used rockets and drones to target long-distance targets in Saudi Arabia, sometimes reaching some 1,000km in range.
Tanf is a lonely US base in Syria near the Jordanian and Iraqi border. As such, it is of strategic value because of where it is. It sits astride a road and can thus monitor what is happening in this part of Syria. The base was established near the Rukban camp where thousands of Syrians have sought refuge over the years during the Syrian civil war.
SYRIA’S PRESIDENT Bashar Assad places flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Damascus during a ceremony to mark the anniversary of the 1973 war with Israel. (credit: SANA/REUTERS)
SYRIA’S PRESIDENT Bashar Assad places flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Damascus during a ceremony to mark the anniversary of the 1973 war with Israel. (credit: SANA/REUTERS)
The US established the base also to train Syrian rebels. However, the Syrian regime, which began to make major advances in 2017 and 2018, cut the base off from contact with any other rebel or US-backed forces in eastern Syria. That means there were questions about whether the US would stay at Tanf after 2018.
For pro-Syrian regime elements, the base is a thorn in the side of Syria. For Iran, it is a threat to Iran’s militias that have spread along the Euphrates from Albukamal on the Iraq border to Deir Ezzor. That means that Iran sees the base as potentially threatening its attempt to create a road to the sea via Iraq and Syria so it can arm Hezbollah.
Pro-Iranian militias such as Kataib Hezbollah set up headquarters in Albukamal after 2017. In 2018, an airstrike targeted a Kataib Hezbollah building in Albukamal. Later in 2019 more airstrikes targeted pro-Iranian militias in Iraq and those groups blamed Israel.
In November 2019, Russia said that Israel had flown over Jordan to conduct airstrikes in Syria. In 2020, a hill called Tel al-Sahn or ‘Radar dish hill’ was struck in an airstrike in Syria. What this means is that for the Syrian regime, Iran and the Russian backers of the regime the presence of the Tanf base is a concern. They think the base may help provide the US and US partners intelligence about the region and Iranian movements.
There is another context as well. The Syrian regime is doing outreach to Iraq, Egypt, Jordan and the Gulf, hoping to get more support from Arab states. It wants a return to normal after a decade of war. Removing the US from Tanf is part of this desire. It would like to get Jordanian and Iraqi support on this issue. If Tanf is a target of drones and rockets, the logic is that local elements with Iranian support might think this can harass the US into leaving. They have seen how the US left Afghanistan and how US forces left many facilities in Iraq.
The context then of the strike on Tanf is part of a wider regional struggle. However, Iranian media has not layed up the attack, leading to questions over whether Iran is the major player here, or if other elements closer to the Syrian regime or local militias are the guiding hand.
The use of drones points to some complexity and likely support from Tehran. Iran trains drone operators at its Kashan base. It has been increasingly using drones in attacks in places like the Gulf of Oman and targeting US forces in Erbil.
Usually, it gets proxies to fly these drones. It remains to be seen how the US might respond. In 2017 the US shot down an Iranian drone near Tanf. The US has also carried out airstrikes in the past in Syria targeting pro-Iranian groups.

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