‘We will maintain our ironclad commitment to Israel’s security, resume role as provider of viable two-state solution,’ newly-released Biden document says.

Arutz Sheva Staff , Mar 05 , 2021 1:09 PM

 

Joe Biden

Joe Biden

Reuters

US President Joe Biden on Wednesday released an Interim National Security Strategic Guidance document.

An excerpt dealing with the Middle East, from page 11 of the 24-page document, stated that the Biden administration “will maintain our ironclad commitment to Israel’s security,” while promising “to deter Iranian aggression and threats.”

The interim guidance has been issued to convey Biden’s vision for how America will engage with the world, and to provide guidance for departments and agencies to align their actions as the Administration begins work on a National Security Strategy, a White House statement said.

According to the document: “In the Middle East, we will maintain our ironclad commitment to Israel’s security, while seeking to further its integration with its neighbors and resuming our role as promoter of a viable two-state solution.”

“We will work with our regional partners to deter Iranian aggression and threats to sovereignty and territorial integrity, disrupt al-Qaeda and related terrorist networks and prevent an ISIS resurgence, address humanitarian crises, and redouble our efforts to resolve the complex armed conflicts that threaten regional stability.

“But we do not believe that military force is the answer to the region’s challenges, and we will not give our partners in the Middle East a blank check to pursue policies at odds with American interests and values.

“That’s why we have withdrawn U.S. support for offensive military operations in Yemen and backed UN efforts to end the war. Our aim will be to de-escalate regional tensions and create space for people throughout the Middle East to realize their aspirations.”


by Ardavan Khoshnood

OPINION
MARCH 4, 2021 1:52 PM

From left: Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Russia, 2017. Photo: Kremlin.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has an extensive and complex intelligence apparatus. Its two most important intelligence institutions are the Ministry of Intelligence (MOI) and the intelligence arm of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). A third key intelligence organization is the IRGC’s Intelligence Protection Organization, which operates independently of the Corps’s intelligence arm and deals in counterintelligence.

While Iran’s intelligence organizations are well equipped and have achieved important successes (particularly in the area of signals intelligence, or SIGINT), the country’s intelligence apparatus is deficient with respect to counterintelligence, or “intelligence protection” as the regime has renamed it. The three most recent counterintelligence failures — all of them devastating — concerned the assassination of Quds Force chief Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad, the slaying of Al-Qaeda’s number 2 on Iranian soil, and the assassination in Tehran of the architect of the Iranian nuclear program, Mohsen Fakhrizadeh.

After al-Qaeda’s second in line, Abu Muhammad al-Masri, was assassinated allegedly by Israel’s Mossad in Tehran, I argued that the weakness of Iran’s counterintelligence was going to compel the regime to reform its counterintelligence. To do so, it was likely to turn to Russia and China.

In January 2021, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif made yet another visit to Moscow to meet with his counterpart, Sergey Lavrov. Zarif has traveled to Russia more than 30 times, illuminating the Islamic Republic’s great dependence on that country. What made his most recent visit significant, however, was the signing by the countries of a security treaty.

Dylan Williams of J Street, in a recent op-ed, called on the Biden administration to “rebuild the U.S. relationship with…

Lavrov told Russian News Agency “TASS”: “We [Russia and Iran] have signed an intergovernmental agreement on cooperation in ensuring information security.” He did not provide further details.

Iran, however, said via the “Islamic Republic News Agency” (IRNA) that the agreement involved collaboration with respect to “information, crimes committed by the use of information and communications technology, aids in technology, international cooperation, including reconnaissance, coordination, and necessary cooperation for regional and international communities to guarantee national and international security.”

While the agreement ostensibly aims to increase collaboration between the countries in the field of cybersecurity, the “Tasnim News Agency,” which has strong links to the IRGC, said, “The head of Iran’s Civil Defense Organization … unveiled plans for joint cooperation focusing on the exchange of intelligence, interaction against threats, and joint defense.” The Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated in a press release that Iran and Russia had signed an “Information Security Cooperation Pact” and that one of the objectives of the pact is the “strengthening [of] information security.”

While information security and cybersecurity are the agreement’s main objectives, scholars of intelligence studies are well aware of the close connection between information security and counterintelligence. Many would argue that information security is indeed the main objective of counterintelligence (or “intelligence protection,” to use the Islamic regime’s term). Cyber intelligence is considered by many intelligence organizations to be a counterintelligence issue.

The Iran-Russia pact is not a surprise. More than a year has passed since the killing of Soleimani, and six months have gone by since al-Masri’s assassination. The Iranian intelligence organizations have had plenty of time to analyze their counterintelligence apparatus, confront its massive weaknesses, and present their findings to policy makers.

There is no doubt that the recent killing of Fakhrizadeh, which was a massive embarrassment for the regime, intensified this process. This is especially true in view of the fact that the Iranian spy chief recently claimed in an interview that the Fakhrizadeh assassination was organized by a member of the Iranian armed forces — which, if true, indicates that Iranian intelligence and counterintelligence are not only poor but compromised. The regime needs help in these areas, and the Iran-Russia information security pact may be its best means of effecting needed reforms.

Dr. Ardavan Khoshnood, a non-resident associate at the BESA Center, is a criminologist and political scientist with a degree in Intelligence Analysis. He is also an associate professor of Emergency Medicine at Lund University in Sweden. @ardavank

A version of this article was originally published by The BESA Center.


Britain, France and Germany have withdrawn their support for a U.S.-backed plan for the International Atomic Energy Agency’s board to criticize Iran for curtailing its cooperation with the agency, Reuters reported on Thursday.

The three countries were signatories to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal—the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—and have been pushing for the nuclear watchdog’s board of governors to pass a resolution at this week’s quarterly meeting criticizing Tehran for its violations of the deal. The draft resolution had expressed the agency’s “deep concern” over Tehran’s failure to explain the presence of uranium particles at three undeclared sites, according to the report.

In response, the Islamic regime threatened to end a temporary agreement reached with the agency last month allowing for some monitoring of its facilities to continue.

Its parliament approved a bill in December according to which some U.N. inspections of Iran’s nuclear facilities stipulated by the JCPOA would be suspended unless European signatories to the deal lifted oil and banking sanctions by Feb. 23. IAEA director general Rafael Grossi met with Iranian Vice President Ali Akbar Salehi and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif on Feb. 21 in Tehran to try to find an acceptable compromise.

As he explained on March 1 in his opening address to the IAEA board meeting, “We were able to reach a temporary bilateral technical understanding. I want to emphasize that it is a temporary technical understanding and that it is compatible with Iranian law. It is to enable the agency to resume its full verification and monitoring of Iran’s nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA if and when Iran resumes its implementation of those commitments.”

“Cooler heads are prevailing,” said a diplomat from a country on the IAEA board that was critical of the planned resolution, according to Reuters.

Reuters quoted another diplomat as saying that the resolution could be revived at the next quarterly board meeting in June.